Distinguished guests, esteemed faculty members, dear students.

It is a great honor to address you here in Chile, a country that shares several defining experiences with my own.

Like you, Czechia made a conscious choice to build democratic institutions.

Like you, we understand how fragile they can be.

And like you, we know that our nations can only thrive in a predictable international order based on generally accepted rules.

Yet we meet at a moment when international relations are best described as a nexus of multiple, reinforcing crises.

Together we have built a globalized world – an engine of prosperity, connectivity, and cooperation.

Yet globalization also has a darker side. When malicious actors exploit our interconnected world, what was meant to bring us closer can make us more vulnerable.

The hotbeds of conflict today are closely linked. Let me begin with Ukraine.

For South Americans, this may seem like a distant conflict. For us in Europe, Russia’s unprovoked, unjustified, and illegal war of aggression is a reality that has reshaped how we think about our past, our present, and our future.

It has challenged our belief that expanding trade inevitably leads to political alignment. It has forced us to invest urgently in our security and defence.

And it has made clear that our future will be shaped by living next to a great power that is reshaping its entire system around confrontation – from a war-driven economy to the indoctrination of its own people.

But the forces at play extend far beyond Europe. The war against Ukraine – first launched in 2014 and then escalated into a full-scale invasion in 2022 – was never only about Ukraine itself.

It is about whether a geopolitical power can impose its will on a sovereign neighbour, disregard the principles of international law, including the law of armed conflict, distort reality, and expect the world to accept a brutal fait accompli.

Thanks to the immense courage of the Ukrainian people, Russia’s so-called “three-day special operation” has turned into a prolonged war of attrition.

Recent peace discussions have increasingly focused on how much Ukraine should be expected to concede, especially in terms of territory. This is not a technical question. If we compromise the principles of international law too easily, the whole world will pay the price.

As Canada’s Mark Carney has observed, we are already witnessing a rupture in the world order. The widening arc of instability now reaching the Middle East shows how serious this moment has become.

The confrontation between Iran, its regional rivals, and the United States (the fragile cease-fire notwithstanding) is a dangerous escalation of decades-long tensions.

Its consequences are global. The closure of the Strait of Hormuz has disrupted supplies of oil and gas, but also fertilizers.

Importantly, this conflict is not disconnected from Ukraine. On the contrary, the two are linked in at least three ways.

First, through resources and expertise. Military aid, air-defense systems, and political attention are limited. What is sent to one theatre is not available in another.

At the same time, Ukraine has evolved from a recipient of Western support into a valued partner. In a world of mounting threats, few forms of expertise are more valuable today than experience in modern warfare – especially drones. And Ukraine’s partners in the Middle East understand this.

Second, through strategic opportunism. A distracted West creates openings – for Russia to sustain its aggression in Ukraine, and for other actors elsewhere.

Third, through what it tells us about alliances Russia and Iran, often seen as inseparable partners, do not commit beyond a certain point. At the same time, Western and regional actors struggle to coordinate responses across multiple crises.

This brings me to my third theme – the transformation of transatlantic ties.

For decades, the transatlantic relationship, grounded in shared values, was a cornerstone of global stability. Today, that relationship is under strain.

In the United States, skepticism towards multilateralism, free trade, and liberal international cooperation has increasingly shaped foreign policy.

S. strategic attention is shifting away from Europe, and allies face growing pressure to align with American priorities.

For Europe, this raises uncomfortable but necessary questions.

How do we keep our societies secure? How do we protect the future of our open economies?

And perhaps most importantly: what degree of strategic autonomy should Europe realistically pursue?

From a Czech perspective, these questions are not theoretical. Our history has taught us the cost of not being able to stand one’s ground.

But let me also offer a broader, more hopeful perspective – one that may resonate here in Chile.

The current moment is not only about fragmentation; it is also about adaptation and renewed partnership.

As we adapt our existing alliances to new realities, we should also build innovative forms of cooperation – between democracies across the world, between middle powers, and between all countries with a stake in a rules-based international order.

In an interconnected world, cooperation is not limited to governments alone. Regions, communities, and academic institutions have much to learn from one another.

Countries like Chile – with their hard-earned democratic traditions and global outlook – are essential partners in shaping this evolving landscape.

In this context, universities play a major role. They are not merely observers of global change. They are laboratories of ideas, training grounds for future leaders, and bridges between cultures and regions.

Ladies and gentlemen, allow me to conclude with one final thought.

The wars in Ukraine and the Middle East, and the evolution of transatlantic ties, are often discussed as separate issues.

Yet they are part of the same interconnected reality – one that is testing the resilience of our institutions, the clarity of our values, and the strength of our international cooperation.

The question is not whether the world is changing. It clearly is.

The real question is whether we can shape that change together – across continents and across traditions.

Thank you.

Petr Pavel, the President of the Czech Republic, Santiago de Chille April the 15 2026