Madame Dean, Professors, Students,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

It is a great honour to stand before you today at the University of Chicago.

For Czechs, this country, this city, and this university hold deep historical significance. Chicago was once home to one of the largest Czech communities outside of Europe, and it was here that Czechs could articulate their dreams of freedom and democracy.

A central guiding figure of these aspirations was professor Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk, who later became the first president of the new independent state Czechoslovakia.

In the early 20th century, Masaryk spent a significant amount of time here in Chicago, where he lectured at this very university and built strong connections with the Czech American community.

During World War One, it was in the United States that Masaryk, as head of the Czechoslovak National Council, gained crucial support for the cause of Czech and Slovak independence from the Austro-Hungarian Empire, which had shown itself incapable of any reform.

For Masaryk, Czechoslovak independence was not just an expression of President Woodrow Wilson’s principle of self-determination. It was part of a larger vision that he called a “world revolution” – which he saw as the culmination of the long struggle between reactionary theocracy and democracy.

Masaryk believed that Czechoslovak independence had profoundly ethical implications. He saw the fight for democracy not just as a quest for political freedom, but as a commitment to the ethical advancement of humanity, where moral responsibility and democratic spirit would be the foundation of governance.

While Masaryk’s principles proved timeless, his optimism did not. In the century that followed, the Czech nation twice fell under despotisms far more oppressive than the Austro-Hungarian rule he had once opposed.

After five years of Nazi terror, the Czechs lost their sovereignty to Soviet Russia – and their soul to a grand illusion. When the attempt to reform and humanize socialism in the late 60’s of the last century was crushed by Soviet led Warsaw pact countries, it seemed as though no alternative was possible.

Yet, some – from leading public intellectuals to ordinary people – never lost hope. Chief among them, Václav Havel, dissident, playwright, the figurehead of the Velvet revolution of 1989 and finally president of democratic Czechoslovakia and later Czechia. It is no coincidence that this lecture series is named after him, for his vision continues to resonate in these days.

Havel believed in the role of Europe as a moral and political force in the world. He famously described “Europe as a task”, highlighting not just the geographical or political realities of Europe, but its understanding as a project which requires sustained attention and continual effort.

To secure these achievements of democratic transition, Havel championed the integration of Czechia into Western political and security architecture.

But more than that, Havel understood that the relationship between Europe and the United States was critical for maintaining global stability, defending shared democratic values and facing the emerging challenges of globalization.

Today, with the rise of our geopolitical rivals and the tragic return of war in Europe, the question of the meaning and strength of the transatlantic bond has resurfaced with new urgency.

What part can, and should the transatlantic alliance play in terms of our security interests, providing economic stability and in shaping global governance? If the transatlantic alliance is worthwhile to us, how can we overcome the occasional political divides?

I am aware of elements of skepticism here in the U.S. towards the transatlantic bond, with focus slowly shifting to the rise of Asia and to pressing domestic concerns.

The central issue, of course, has been the question of burden-sharing within the North Atlantic Alliance. Indeed, for far too long, European countries relied on the optimistic, yet mistaken premise, that extensive military capabilities were no longer needed. As Europeans, we believed in the transformative power of international trade and benevolent effects of international cooperation.

I take this as a part of my political mission to ensure that Europe has learned the right lessons.

The transatlantic bond is a two-way street. And things have already taken a positive turn. As we could have noticed at the Washington Summit in July, NATO Allies are finally delivering on their commitments, making the Alliance more credible and more relevant in today’s rapidly changing world.

A record number of Allies, including Czechia, will meet the goal to spend 2% of GDP on defense this year. Yet, we should not be too fixated on numbers. It is closing European capability gaps that matters much more.

We should not lose sight of the overall political direction: as I said during my visit in July this year, European efforts should be seen as building along with the United States, not as aimed against it. The U.S. needs an equal partner on its side, not a dependent and spoiled child.

We understand that the U.S. expects Europe to take a stronger role and shoulder more responsibilities within NATO.

I often hear that the biggest threat to U.S. interests is not Russia, but Communist China, and that Russia should be managed by Europe.

Certainly, Allies need to match the robust US commitment to Europe, both to safeguard our own security and for the sake of America’s prospects of remaining the undisputed Transatlantic and Pacific power.

However, there is a larger deal at play: while Europe increases its efforts, it is also in America’s interest to ensure that Ukraine and Europe do not fall victim to Russian aggression and growing influence. A Russian victory would be a significant failure for the democratic world and would greatly empower and encourage our authoritarian rivals.

Today, after years of illusions, we finally understand that it is Putin’s goal to impose a new security architecture upon Europe.

Resisting Russian imperialism is essential. It should be viewed as part of a broader struggle to uphold the global order defined by the UN Charter and international law.

The post-war global order is more than just a historical coincidence. It represents a significant achievement that puts rules over raw military power. It is worth fighting for because only within a co-operative and predictable international system can we hope to address global challenges and prevent a widespread security meltdown.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

In making the transatlantic bond a centrepiece of my country’s European and international policy, Václav Havel had a visionary impact.

Since joining NATO 25 years ago – and the European Union five years later – my country has enjoyed freedom, security and economic stability.

We deeply value the United States as our crucial partner, and there’s no better place to reflect on the strength of this partnership than Chicago – the birthplace of Czech aspirations for a free and democratic statehood.

Thank you.

Petr Pavel, President of the Republic, the University of Chicago, September 26th, 2024